{"id":131684,"date":"2020-12-16T10:51:15","date_gmt":"2020-12-16T08:51:15","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/uacrisis.org\/?p=131684"},"modified":"2020-12-16T10:53:24","modified_gmt":"2020-12-16T08:53:24","slug":"how-kremlin-undermines-ukrainian-hungarian-relations-case-of-transcarpathia","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/uacrisis.org\/en\/how-kremlin-undermines-ukrainian-hungarian-relations-case-of-transcarpathia","title":{"rendered":"How Kremlin Undermines Ukrainian-Hungarian Relations: Case of Transcarpathia"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Background<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Recent weeks have been marked by another escalation of Ukrainian-Hungarian relations. In particular, Hungary has requested<\/a> OSCE to send a monitoring mission to Transcarpathia \u2013 a borderline region of Ukraine where Hungarian minority is concentrated. Tensions rose after Security service of Ukraine (SBU) searched one of the Hungarian charities. SBU reported finding materials calling for regional autonomy and popularizing the idea of \u201cGreat Hungary\u201d. Budapest retaliated with claims<\/a> that \u201cUkraine creates a civil war situation\u201d in Transcarpathia.\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The incident is not the first among the string of challenges in their relations that Kyiv and Budapest have faced. Prior to this, amidst the Ukrainian local elections, a conflict occurred when Ministry of Foreign Affairs condemned<\/a> Hungarian officials encouraging the locals to support the \u201cParty of Hungarians\u201d. Kyiv perceived this move as meddling into its internal affairs.\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The actual ground for tensions was laid back in 2017, after Ukraine passed new law \u201cOn Education\u201d and when new language legislation was adopted in 2019 that Budapest criticizes for allegedly infringing the rights of national minorities.  The law itself does not prohibit the use of Hungarian – or any other – language, simply ensuring that any person is able to receive information or services in Ukrainian. National minorities preserve rights to holding public events in their language as well as a right to primary education in it and establishing separate classes and groups if necessary. Public services, including healthcare, may be provided in a language of choice. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hungary cited concerns over language legislation as a reason for repeatedly blocking NATO-Ukraine Council meetings.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

How Russia exploits the situation<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Ukraine and Hungary legitimately have issues that sour bilateral relations. The actual problems, however, repeatedly become amplified by a third party \u2013 Russian Federation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A particular example of Kremlin\u2019s involvement took place earlier this year, in February 2020, when the Hungarian center was set on fire in Uzhhorod, a regional center of Transcarpathia.  Already a second attempt at arson predictably caused another escalation between Kyiv and Budapest, with Ukrainian ambassador being summoned to Hungarian MFA over a \u201cprovocation\u201d and Minister Peter Szijjarto insisted that \u201cextremist ideas are on the rise\u201d in Ukraine. This claim was widely circulated by Russian media as a \u201cproof\u201d to a long-running Kremlin narrative on Ukraine being a \u201cfascist\u201d state riddled with radical nationalism and extremism. 
<\/p>\n\n\n\n

As investigations proceeded, it turned out that the case was indeed a provocation, and a rather multilayered one. Three Polish citizens were arrested on the charges of arson, but their coordinator was, in fact, from Germany \u2013 identified<\/a> as Manuel Ochsenreiter, a referent to one of the German MPs from a far-right party \u201cAlternative f\u00fcr Deutschland\u201d.\u00a0
<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ochsenreiter had several meetings with Russian philosopher and a promoter of \u201cEurasianism\u201d concept Aleksandr Dugin, who also actively supports<\/a> anti-LGBT and anti-equality sentiment in favor of \u201ctraditional values\u201d. In particular, they cooperated at Katehon think-tank \u2013 posing as an \u201cindependent organization\u201d but having Sergey Glaziev on a board. Glaziev is an advisor to Vladimir Putin, and he is not the only person of interest on the list. Katheon\u2019s board also features Russian media-oligarch Konstantin Malofeev \u2013 who was heavily involved<\/a> in financing Russian hybrid aggression in Ukraine and supports the puppet republics in its eastern regions.\u00a0
<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Complicated planning behind the incident in Uzhhorod showcases how Kremlin uses different parties \u2013 Ukrainian, Hungarian, Polish and German \u2013 to undermine their respective relations. The primary target, ties between Kyiv and Budapest, was attacked at a time when bilateral relations were strained with a goal to amplify the existing grievances. This tactic, long favored by Moscow, is applied both on the international arena and within the target societies themselves, where different social groups are put against each other for destabilizing effect. 
<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The arson, however, was far from the only occasion used by Kremlin for this goal. It has also repeatedly amplified<\/a> the \u201cself-determination\u201d narratives in the Transcarpathian region \u2013 and not only in regard to Hungarian minority. Another ethnic group there is Ruthens, who were also used by Russian media in a smear campaign against \u201cnationalist\u201d Ukrainian government back in 2014 (see, for example, a special news issue<\/a> on one of the leading channels Russia 24 dedicated to alleged language oppression and discrimination). Dramatic overstatement of minorities\u2019 desire for autonomy does not only allow Moscow to create tensions within Ukraine itself or between her and her partners; it also legitimizes a narrative on Russophobia, which is the most widely applied excuse for Kremlin to meddle into internal affairs and retort to armed interventions.\u00a0
<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Another way, in which Kremlin undermines bilateral relations between Kyiv and Budapest, is based on Hungarian far-right forces, especially the Jobbik party. Its members were among the \u201cmonitoring mission\u201d that oversaw illegal referendum resulting in annexation of Crimea in 2014. Relying on fringe populist and ultranationalist parties, which traditionally promote Euroscepticism Moscow is so in favor of, Kremlin credited the so-called referendum as \u201cinternationally recognized\u201d in attempt to legitimize it \u2013 while actually the international community (including Hungary) recognizes and supports territorial integrity of Ukraine. Nevertheless, such actions of foreign nationals as well as their illegal visits \u2013 or declaration<\/a> of planning such visits – to the annexed peninsula consistently fuel the existing grievances between both states.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why do it?<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Sawing discord between Western partners is a traditional approach taken by Kremlin, as it divides and weakens consolidated European policy \u2013 which, for Russia, is of special importance when it comes to sanctions. Targeting Hungary and Ukraine brings another benefit, as Budapest blocking Ukraine-NATO Council meetings undermines the country’s Euroatlantic integration. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Supporting and amplifying narratives on \u201cautonomy\u201d for ethnic minorities serves the overarching goal to federalize Ukraine \u2013 according to Moscow\u2019s vision. Similar attempts have been made before on numerous occasions, particularly with using ethnic issues to create \u201cPeople\u2019s Republic of Bessarabia\u201d in Odesa region, similarly to Donetsk and Luhansk, directly coordinated<\/a> by Russian Presidential Administration. If territorial division does not work, \u201cfederalization\u201d would make it easy for Moscow to influence Ukrainian policy, especially in terms of its foreign partnerships and European integration via its proxies in the regions that would get enhanced powers.\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Finally, spinning rhetoric on \u201cnationalism\u201d, \u201coppression of the minorities\u201d and, especially, on \u201ccivil war\u201d works in favor of the key Kremlin narratives it has been promoting about Ukraine for years. Ultimately, discrediting its image aims for making Ukraine an undesirable partner the West would not be interested in \u2013 which would then leave Kyiv face to face with Moscow alone. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Background Recent weeks have been marked by another escalation of Ukrainian-Hungarian relations. In particular, Hungary has requested OSCE to send a monitoring mission to Transcarpathia \u2013 a borderline region of Ukraine where Hungarian minority is concentrated. Tensions rose after Security service of Ukraine (SBU) searched one of the Hungarian charities. SBU reported finding materials calling […] More<\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":23,"featured_media":131686,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":[],"categories":[700,699,748],"tags":[7046,7048,1124],"section":[726],"form":[31943],"yoast_head":"\nHow Kremlin Undermines Ukrainian-Hungarian Relations: Case of Transcarpathia | UACRISIS.ORG<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"Background Recent weeks have been marked by another escalation of Ukrainian-Hungarian relations. 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