{"id":237670,"date":"2023-02-21T09:12:00","date_gmt":"2023-02-21T07:12:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/uacrisis.org\/?p=237670"},"modified":"2023-03-26T20:00:14","modified_gmt":"2023-03-26T17:00:14","slug":"blame-for-the-war","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/uacrisis.org\/en\/blame-for-the-war","title":{"rendered":"Russian understanding of blame for the war"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Amid the absence of free media and the complete control of Putin’s regime over television, the Kremlin is trying to create a monopoly on information. YouTube, in its turn, seems to be the only communication medium between the Russian opposition and the general public \u2014 Russian citizens representing different strata of society. <\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Unlike Facebook and Twitter, which are sometimes totally unknown and not attractive to ordinary Russian citizens, Vkontakte being long fully controlled by the KGB, TikTock being controlled and censored by China, and Instagram is focused chiefly on non-political content, YouTube is a platform that covers different needs for different target audiences. Being not only a medium for video content but also a place to find like-minded people, YouTube also becomes a platform for public discussion, as far as possible, in Russia. <\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Russian segment of YouTube offers all possible content, from aggressive state propaganda to channels that position themselves as oppositional \u2014 but critical narratives may be shared for both. YouTube algorithms target their videos to the perfect slice of Russian society \u2014 this is how the ideas become viral. Being primarily targeted to users who know Russian or to some areas of Russia, these messages often remain unknown to a broad audience. <\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Thousands of anti-regime videos on oppositional (or \u201coppositional\u201d) channels are either mirroring the Kremlin rhetoric in the \u201csofter\u201d light or pushing their agenda. After a year of a large-scale war, all the relevant movements\u2019 prominent and credible experts (from the academic field to typical \u201ctalking heads\u201d) articulating messages that are worthy of attention \u2014 all of them are now represented on YouTube, and this is the defining feature of Russian media space. <\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The HWAG team does not seek to evaluate these channels themselves and their motives, and whether their position and objectives may coincide with Ukrainian ones. Our new project is aimed to introduce the English-speaking audience, who cannot consume Russian content directly due to either the language barrier or the peculiarities of YouTube algorithms, with materials and statements that we find worth your valuable time and attention.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The discussion \u201cPathetic copy\u201d <\/strong>on channel Feygin LIVE (2, 06 million subscribers) <\/strong>\u2014 a YouTube channel that positions itself as a platform for \u201cfree information exchange, analysis, and political expertise of relevant agenda in Russia and world.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Speaker: Gennady Gudkov<\/strong>, retired KGB and FSB colonel and ex-lawmaker who is now criticizing Putin\u2019s regime. He served in the Russian parliament from 2001 to 2012.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The discussion trigger is the temporary renaming of Volgograd to Stalingrad and the raising of a monument to Stalin as an act of totalitarian sentiment to celebrate the visit of Putin.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Talking about the ideological poverty of the current Russian regime, Gudkov mentions the transition of the romantic narrative from pobiedobesie (obsession with victory in WWII) to Stalinist ideology.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

There are some essential points of discussion:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cStalin was a big Satan, but he was also a large-scale personality. It would be foolish to deny he had a planetary scale.<\/strong>\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Comparing Stalin to Putin (for whom Stalin is a role model) and the modern Kremlin official, he condemns the mercantile spirit of the latter. At the same time, for Stalin, \u201cmaterial things were secondary\u201d since \u201che was doing all that [dictatorship]not for trillions of dollars.\u201d <\/p>\n\n\n\n

According to Gudkov, the main problem of Putin does not have a large-scale personality (in contrast to Stalin). However, the speaker mentions that Putin hypothetically has a chance to become the main villain in the history of humanity. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Gudkov criticizes the Russian government for stealing money and resources, shifting focus from the war and collective responsibility to corruption:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

 \u201cPeople in power are thieves. They are stealing money from the military budget, money for equipment<\/strong>\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The exact mechanism he also uses describing the Russian army: how can it be effective if it is the army of looters, rapists, and killers? This army cannot fight. As a result, the problem of the Russian military committing genocide against Ukrainians is replaced with structural difficulty: lack of discipline, poor discipline, etc. This also blurs the responsibility. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Creating the dichotomy of \u201cserious mafia structures\u201d vs. \u201cpetty thieves\u201d, he compares Putin to the latter ones because they got \u201cno rules\u201d. This creates a vision of Putin as a \u201cbad leader\u201d but also glorifies Stalin as a \u201cproper one\u201d \u2014 reflecting Russian sentiments towards dictators. Moreover, this leads to the next Gudkov\u2019s thesis: the Kremlin ideology and propaganda do not address the conscience. It addresses the lowest instincts of a human being. And it works.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Talking about the \u201clowest instincts\u201d and Russian people supporting the regime, military aggression, and war crimes against Ukraine, Gudkov explains their violence and inaction with abstract \u201chuman nature\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cBloodthirsty ghouls in history, for some reason, provoke the feeling of delight. I cannot explain it by anything except for the bloodthirsty nature of a human being who survived in the most challenging condition, destroying their kind, not only animals but also people. Unfortunately, somehow, on a genetic level, everyone has such a trait. Everything depends on conditions: whether it shows up or not. If the conditions cultivate this talent of bloodthirstiness, it reaches its climax<\/strong>\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Describing the Kremlin officials, Gudkov uses the term \u201ctsaredvortsy\u201d (courtiers) referring to the Russian imperial vocabulary, and this also reflects the Russian paradigm of thinking: even if it is critical towards the regime, it still exploits imperial categories.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Explaining the high level of support of the war in Russian society, Gudkov claims that people \u201cwere mentally ready for a new dictator<\/strong>\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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\u201c[In Russia] It reflects on the models of behavior \u2014 more submissive and agreeable people than free-spirited and appreciate their human dignity \u2014 I do not doubt that\u2026 In our country, for centuries, they have bred people who were submissive and ready to accept humiliation. This is the behavioral stereotype.<\/strong>\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cWhat is the effect of Putin\u2019s propaganda? They learned to influence not conscience but sub-conscience. And on the subconscious level, the lion’s share of our people are brainwashed and disconcerted, they don’t have any rights and liberties.<\/strong>\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

According to Gudkov, the idea of \u201egreatness\u201d, which is now being a seller by the Kremlin, is a compensation for poor life quality and an effect of Inferiority complex of Russian society.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cThe motherland went crazy. I don’t recognize them<\/strong>\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cOur people are submissive. Our people stand for government. For any government.<\/strong>\u201d <\/p>\n\n\n\n

But what about solutions? Gudkov offers some: for instance, a coup d\u2019etat \u2014 but shifting the responsibility to some western Other: \u201csomebody has to do it<\/strong>\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Portraying Russian people as hostages of the situation, he emphasizes: \u201cWe can not escape this trap without the West<\/strong>\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An enormous field of action for the whole world to transform Russia<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cWe need force and the support of the West<\/strong>\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In a way, he also contributes to the Russian narrative about \u201cexternal governance of Ukraine\u201d, symbolically depriving the country of subjecthood:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cThe West became furious. They gave Ukraine tanks, artillery, and armored vehicles. In fact, they are gaining Ukraine with NATO and EU membership<\/strong>\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Trying to be tolerant but still feeling superior as an idea of Russian opposition:
\u201cEven these\u2026 (I’m sorry to say that, I have never been to that country but it’s my dream) Papuans refused to accept Lavrov\u2026 Even these guys despise Lavrov<\/strong>\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

There are some place for your reflection:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n

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Russian understanding of blame for the war<\/p>\n

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Do you agree with Gudkov view the role of the West in transforming Russia?<\/p>\n\n <\/div>\n

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